In May, I tried to make
the case for disallowing torture of suspects, even (gasp) terror suspects.
At the time, the torture memos were making the headlines, and as a result many people
were asking if and when torture was ever appropriate. In fact, people started
re-examining a number of moral issues in combat against terrorism. Here are some of the
better articles I ran across.
First, this
article from Slate documents the current legality of assassination. This is from Slate's
"Explainer" series, which is fascinating but purposely sticks to the facts. That's fine:
the whole point of this article is to call out the supposed legality (or not)
of political assassinations.
Certainly President Ford's
1976 Executive Order banning assassination is the starting point. (By the way, that's a surprisingly readable
document!) The point of the Slate explainer article was that although killing
heads of state is clearly off-limits, targeting terrorists or "part time"
combatants is much more problematic.
Curiously, the Slate explainer article doesn't say so explicitly, but
killing suspected al-Qaida members in CIA-sponsored Predator attacks would also seem to be illegal. Now that the CIA has terminated its
al-Qaida assassination authorization, perhaps the US and other intelligence agencies will capture or disrupt
terrorist organizations without killing suspects? A harder mission, but
keeping the high moral ground is much more honorable and probably more effective.
Why do I say that?
Well, for one thing, there is a chance that
torture makes the FBI's job harder, because the agency will have a harder time cultivating double agents. The
argument is that engaging in torture "casts doubts on the U.S. government's
overall willingness to act in good faith." I'm guessing most
terrorists are irrational, and won't care whether we torture or not. But
many of these potential double-agents are fairly rational people ("diplomats,
scientists, or scholars"), not terrorists, and so the high moral ground may actually make a
difference in the FBI's ability to turn foreign agents.
Most interesting of all was an
article by a former legal advisor to the Israeli Defense Forces, who had made frontline decisions about "targeted kills." That's kind of an
euphemism for assassination, but the author believed there was a distinction
between political assassination (targeted kills by nonmilitary, nonuniformed
agents) and targeted kills made by uniformed military personnel in a combat
zone.
The author advised Israeli military commanders (in the field) from 1994 to
1997. To my civilian mind, the author's viewpoint was somewhat brutal. As he
ends his article:
... if you're sure you've got the right guy, and you have no other viable
options, fire away. The nation's safety may depend on it.
This reminded me of situations the Slate explainer called "[adopting] a classic
aspect of law-enforcement philosophy to justify an otherwise blatantly
criminal action." But this really all comes down to
whether or not self defense is justified. And that is an especially hard problem in combat zones.
But for all of his at-times hawkish tones, the Israeli military advisor was
pretty harsh about the US Administration's authorization of al-Qaida
assassinations. As the author put it:
Counterterrorism, in civil democratic regimes, must be rooted in the rule
of law, morality in armed conflict, and an analysis of policy effectiveness.
There can be no "ifs, ands, or buts."
Even a hawk on the front lines of an anti-terrorist war takes a hard line on law and
morality! But after all, that is a good deal of what he is fighting
for.
I think whether or not the nation supports assassination or torture depends on the
current emotional state. If there is another terrorist attack, the majority
will certainly accept (if not demand) targeted killings of suspects without
trial--at least for a while. But the current less-passionate debate, from a number of sources, would indicate
that torture and assassination--any methods of dubious morality--are probably
self-destructive in the long run.
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